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HISTORY OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA AND POLAND
FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER I UNTIL THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER III
by S.M. Dubnow
A Project Gutenberg EBook
4. THE DRIFT TOWARD OPPRESSION
During the last decade of Alexander's reign, the
machinery of Jewish
legislation was working at a slow rate, pending the full
"revision" of
Jewish rights. Yet the steps of the approaching reaction
could well be
discerned. Thus in 1870, during the discussion of the
draft of the new
Municipal Statute by a special committee of the Ministry
of the
Interior, which included as "experts" the
burgomasters of the most
important Russian cities, the question arose whether the
former
limitation of the number of Jewish aldermen in the
municipal councils to
one-third of the whole number of aldermen [1] should be
upheld or not.
The cities involved were those of the Pale where the Jews
formed the
majority of the population, and the committee was
searching for ways and
means to weaken "the excessive influence" of
this majority upon the city
administration and to subordinate it to the Christian
minority.
[Footnote 1: See above, p. 41.]
One solitary member, Novoselski, the burgomaster of
Odessa, advocated
the repeal of the old restriction, with the one proviso
that the Jewish
aldermen should be required to possess certain
educational
qualifications, inasmuch as educated Jews were "not
quite as harmful" as
uneducated ones.
A minority of the members of the Committee favored the
limitation of the
number of Jewish aldermen to one-half, but the majority
staunchly
defended the old norm, which was one-third. The
representatives of the
majority, in particular Count Cherkaski, the burgomaster
of Moscow,
argued that the Jews constituted not only a religious but
also a
national entity, that they were still widely removed from
assimilation
or Russification, that education, far from transforming
the Jews into
Russians, made them only more successful in the struggle
for existence,
that it was inadvisable for this reason "to subject
the whole Russian
element (of the population) to the risk of falling under
the domination
of Judaism."
The curious principle of municipal justice by virtue of
which the
majority of house owners and tax-payers were to be ruled
by the
representatives of the minority carried the day. The new
Municipal
Statute sanctioned the norm of one-third for
"non-Christians," and
reaffirmed the ineligibility of Jews to the post of
burgomaster.
The law of 1874, establishing general military service
and abolishing
the former method of conscription, proved the first legal
enactment
which imposed upon the Jews equal obligations with their
fellow-citizens, prior to bestowing upon them equal
rights. To be sure,
the new regulation brought considerable relief to the
Jews, inasmuch as
the heavy burden of military duty which had formerly been
borne entirely
by the poor burgher class, [1] was now distributed over
all estates,
while the burden itself was lightened by the reduction of
the term of
service. Moreover, the former collective responsibility
of the community
for the supply of recruits, which had given rise to the
institution of
"captors" and many other evils, was replaced by
the personal
responsibility of every individual conscript. All this,
however, was not
sufficient to change suddenly the attitude of the Jewish
populace
towards military service.
[Footnote 1: On the "burghers" see Vol. I, p.
308, n. 2. Concerning the
military duty imposed on them see above, p. 23.]
The formerly privileged merchantile class could not
reconcile itself
easily to the idea of sending their children to the army.
The horrors of
the old conscription were still fresh in their minds, and
even in its
new setting military service was still suggestive of the
hideous horrors
of the past. Those who but yesterday had been dragged
like criminals to
the recruiting stations could not well be expected to
change their
sentiments over night and appear there of their own free
will. The
result was that a considerable number of Jews of military
age (21)
failed to obey the summons of the first conscription.
Immediately the
cry went up that the Jews evaded their military duty, and
that the
Christians were forced to make up the shortage. The
official pens in St.
Petersburg and in the provincial chancelleries became
busy scribbling.
The Ministry of War demanded the adoption of Draconian
measures to stop
this "evasion," As a result, the whole Jewish
youth of conscription age
was registered in 1875. At the recruiting stations the
age of the young
Jews was determined by their external appearance, without
regard to
their birth certificates. Finally, in the course of
1876-1878, a number
of special provisions were enacted, by way of exception
from the general
military statute, for the purpose "of insuring the
regular discharge of
their military duty by the Jews."
According to the new legal provisions, the Jews who had
been rejected as
unfit for military service were to be replaced by other
Jews and under
no circumstances by Christians. For this purpose, the
Jewish conscripts
were to be segregated from the Christians after the
drawing of lots, the
first stage in the recruiting process. [1] Moreover, in
the case of Jews
a lower stature and a narrower chest were required than
in that of
non-Jews. In the case of a shortage of
"unprivileged" recruits,
permission was given to draft not only Jews enjoying, by
their family
status, the third and second class privileges, but also
those of the
first class, i.e., to deprive Jewish parents of their
only sons. [2]
[Footnote 1: Since the number of men of military age
greatly exceeds the
required number of recruits, the Russian law provides
that lots be drawn
by the conscripts to determine the order in which they
are to present
themselves for examination to the recruiting officers.
When the quota is
completed, the remaining conscripts, i.e., those who,
having drawn a
high number, have not yet been examined, are declared
exempt from
military service.]
[Footnote 2: "According to Russian law, the following
three categories
of recruits are exempt from military service: 1) the only
sons; 2) the
only wage-earning sons, though there be other sons in the
family; 3)
those who have an elder brother or brothers in the army.
The first
category is exempt under all circumstances; the last two
on condition
that the required number of recruits be secured out of
the
"unprivileged" conscripts. Only in the case of
the Jews is the first
category drawn upon in the case of a shortage.]
In this manner the Government sought to
"insure" with ruthless vigor the
discharge of this most onerous duty on the part of the
Jews, without
making any attempt to insure at the same time the rights
of this
population of three millions which was made to spill its
blood for the
fatherland. In the Russo-Turkish War of 1877, many Jewish
soldiers
fought for Russia, and a goodly number of them were
killed or wounded on
the battlefield. Yet in the Russian military
headquarters--the post of
commander-in-chief was occupied by the crown prince, the
future Tzar
Alexander III.--no attention was paid to the thousands of
Jewish
victims, but rather to the fact that the
"Jewish" firm of army
purveyors, Greger, Horvitz & Kohan [1] was found to
have had a share in
the commissariat scandals. When at the Congress of Berlin
in 1878 a
resolution was introduced calling upon the Governments of
Roumania,
Servia, and Bulgaria to accord equal rights to the Jews
in their
respective dominions, and was warmly supported by all
plenipotentiaries,
such as Waddington, Beaconsfield, Bismarck, and others,
the only one to
oppose the emancipation of the Jews on principle was the
Russian
chancellor Gorchakov, In his desire to save the prestige
of Russia,
which herself had failed to grant equal rights to the
Jews, the
chancellor could not refrain from an anti Semitic sally,
remarking
during the debate that "one ought not to confound
the Jews of Berlin,
Paris, London, and Vienna, who cannot be denied civil and
political
rights, with the Jews of Servia, Roumania, and several
Russian
provinces, where they are a regular scourge to the native
population."
[Footnote 1: Greger was a Greek, and Horvitz a converted
Jew. See later,
p. 244.]
Altogether the growth of anti-Semitism in the Government
circles and in
certain layers of Russian society, towards the close of
the seventies,
became clearly pronounced. The laurels of Brafman, whose
"exposure" of
Judaism had netted him many personal benefits and
profitable connections
in the world of officialdom, were apt to stimulate all
sorts of
adventurers. In 1876 a new "exposer" of Judaism
appeared on the scene, a
man with a stained past, Hippolyte Lutostanski. He was
originally a
Roman Catholic priest in the government of Kovno. Having
been unfrocked
by the Catholic Consistory "on account of incredible
acts of lawlessness
and immoral conduct," including libel, embezzlement,
rape committed upon
a Jewess, and similar heroic exploits, he joined the
Greek-Orthodox
church, entered the famous Troitza Monastery near Moscow
as a monk, and
was admitted as a student to the Ecclesiastical Academy
of the same
city.
As a subject for his dissertation for the degree of
Candidate [1] the
ignorant monk chose a sensational topic: "Concerning
the Use of
Christian Blood by the Jews." It was an unlettered
and scurrilous
pamphlet, in which the author, without indicating his
sources,
incorporated the contents of an official memorandum on
the ritual murder
legend from the time of Nicholas I., supplementing it by
distorted
quotations from talmudie and rabbinic literature, without
the slightest
knowledge of that literature or the Hebrew language.
[Footnote 1: See above, p. 165, n. 1.]
The monastic adventurer, finding himself in financial
straits, brought
his manuscript to Rabbi Minor of Moscow, declaring his
willingness to
forego the publication of his brochure, which no doubt
would cause great
harm to the Jews, for a consideration of 500 rubles
($250). His
blackmail offer was rejected Lutostanski thereupon published
his hideous
book in 1876, and travelled with it to St. Petersburg
where he managed
to present it to the crown prince, subsequently Alexander
III., and to
secure from him a grateful acknowledgement. The book also
found the
approval of the Chief of Gendarmerie, [1] who acquired a
large number of
copies and distributed them among the secret police all
over Russia.
[Footnote 1: See above, p. 21, n. 1.]
Encouraged by his success, Lutostanski issued a few years
later, in
1879, another libellous work in two volumes, under the
title "The Talmud
and the Jews," which exhibits the same crudeness in
style and content as
his previous achievement--a typical specimen of a
degraded back-yard
literature. The editor of the Hebrew journal _ha-Melitz_,
Alexander
Zederbaum, demonstrated clearly that Lutostanski had
forged his
quotations, and summoned him to a public disputation,
which offer was
wisely declined.
Nevertheless, the agitation of this shameless impostor
had a
considerable effect on the highest official spheres in
which an ever
stronger drift toward anti-Semitism was clearly
noticeable. In 1878 this
anti-Semitic trend gave rise to a new ritual murder
trial. The discovery
in the government of Kutais, in the Caucasus, of the body
of a little
Gruzinian girl, named Sarra Modebadze, who had
disappeared on the eve of
Passover, was deemed a sufficient reason by the judicial
authorities to
enter a charge of murder against ten local Jews, although
the ritual
character of the murder was not put forward openly in the
indictment.
The case was tried before the District Court of Kutais,
and the counsel
for the defence succeeded by their brilliant speeches not
only to
demolish completely the whole structure of incriminating
evidence but
also to deal a death-blow to the sinister ritual legend.
The case ended
in 1879 with the acquittal of all the accused.
Withal, the "ritual" agitation left a nasty
sediment in the Russian
press. When in 1879 the famous Orientalist Daniel
Chwolson, a convert to
Christianity and professor at the Greek-Orthodox
Ecclesiastical Seminary
of St. Petersburg, who had written a learned apologetic
treatise
"Concerning the Medieval Accusations against the
Jews," published a
refutation of the ritual myth under the title "Do
the Jews use Christian
Blood?," he was attacked in the _Novoye Vremya_ by
the liberal historian
Kostomarov who attempted to disprove the conclusions of
the defender of
Judaism. The paper itself, hitherto liberal in its
tendency, changed
front about that time, and, steering its course by the
prevailing moods
in the leading Government circles, launched a systematic
campaign
against the Jews. The anti-Semitic bacilli were floating
in the social
atmosphere of Russia and preparing the way for the pogrom
epidemic of
the following decade.
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